The Largest Refugee Crises Ever Created on the American Continent

By Gary Far­row, Danville His­tor­i­cal Society

Black fugitives forging the  Rappahannock river.
Black fugi­tives forg­ing the Rap­pa­han­nock river.

Civ­il War his­to­ry often gives short shrift to the fact that the con­flict pre­cip­i­tat­ed the largest refugee cri­sis ever seen on the Amer­i­can con­ti­nent. Before we read Danville’s North Star reports for Jan­u­ary of 1864, it is nec­es­sary to under­stand how the Union was han­dling the freed­men prob­lem that was cre­at­ed by Lincoln’s Eman­ci­pa­tion Procla­ma­tion on Sep 22, 1862.

The Procla­ma­tion declared that if a rebel state did not return to the Union by Jan­u­ary 1, all slaves would become free. How­ev­er, slaves did not wait until the begin­ning of the year; they began stream­ing toward Union lines and the refugee cri­sis was on. One reporter wrote, “There were men, women and chil­dren in every state of dis­ease or decrepi­tude often near­ly naked with flesh torn by the ter­ri­ble expe­ri­ences of their escape.” But if ex-slaves thought they had a bet­ter life, they were often mis­tak­en. “Often the slaves met prej­u­dices against their col­or more bit­ter than they had left behind.”

Two contrabands living in a tent.
Two con­tra­bands liv­ing in a tent.

By mid-sum­mer of 1862, the Wash­ing­ton area was awash in black refugees who had fled or been lib­er­at­ed from their mas­ters. Liv­ing con­di­tions dete­ri­o­rat­ed from ter­ri­ble to abysmal. Some­thing had to be done so the Fed­er­al gov­ern­ment cre­at­ed con­tra­band farms to put the refugees to work.

Con­tra­band was a term coined by Gen Ben­jamin But­ler who in 1861 at Fortress Mon­roe, Vir­ginia, was among the first com­mand­ing offi­cers to give three escaped slaves safe haven behind Union lines. One Union offi­cer com­ment­ed, “Nev­er was a sin­gle word adopt­ed by so many peo­ple in such a short time.” The ambi­gu­i­ty of the word, “con­tra­band” skirt­ed around the word “eman­ci­pa­tion,” which some oth­er Union com­man­ders had attempt­ed to declare on behalf of the blacks in their dis­tricts. Lin­coln quick­ly coun­ter­mand­ed these dec­la­ra­tions for fear of cre­at­ing a polit­i­cal firestorm in the North and push­ing the bor­der states of Delaware, Ken­tucky, Mary­land and Mis­souri into seces­sion. The more polit­i­cal­ly cor­rect word “con­tra­band” also implied that blacks were prop­er­ty and there­fore sub­ject to con­fis­ca­tion from ene­my com­bat­ants and their abet­tors. The first Con­fis­ca­tion Act in ’61 stripped hold­ers of slaves their own­er­ship but left the sta­tus of the blacks them­selves murky.

John Eaton, Contraband Superintendent
John Eaton, Con­tra­band Superintendent

On Novem­ber 11, 1862, Grant respond­ed to the cri­sis by appoint­ing a for­mer high school prin­ci­pal and the chap­lain of the 27th Ohio Infantry, John Eaton, as Super­in­ten­dent of Con­tra­bands who set “orga­niz­ing them [refugees] into suit­able com­pa­nies for work.” Con­tra­bands were paid for their labor a sum of 12.5 cents for every pound of cot­ton they picked. With strong sup­port from Grant, Eaton’s stat­ed pol­i­cy was, “In no case will Negroes be forced into the ser­vice of the Gov­ern­ment or enticed away from their homes except when it becomes a mil­i­tary neces­si­ty.” For many there was no real­is­tic alter­na­tive to a con­tra­band camp, but the pol­i­cy began to flesh out what blacks could and could not do after they had crossed Union lines.

Although Eaton had Grant’s sup­port, the Gen­er­al demon­strat­ed no extra­or­di­nary com­pas­sion for his charges. As one scribe wrote, “The sol­diers of the Army were a good deal opposed to serv­ing the Negro in any man­ner.” A mod­el con­tra­band camp was estab­lished by Eaton in Corinth, Mis­sis­sip­pi, about 300 miles north­east of Vicks­burg. Tents dis­card­ed by Union troops were used to pro­vide shel­ter for the refugees. And anoth­er Chap­lain, James Alexan­der, of the 66th Illi­nois, was appoint­ed to over­see admin­is­tra­tion of the camp. In time, blacks and freed­men con­struct­ed a school with four rooms, a hos­pi­tal, com­mis­sary and a place of worship.

A contraband camp.
A con­tra­band camp.

By late 1862, the Amer­i­can Mis­sion­ary Asso­ci­a­tion arrived in Corinth with vol­un­teers to pro­vide Freed­man with edu­ca­tion and min­is­ter to both their sec­u­lar and spir­i­tu­al needs. In the spring of ’83, the Rev­erend Edward Pierce com­ment­ed on the Freedmen’s thirst for edu­ca­tion. “We can­not enter a cab­in or tent, but that we see from one to three books.” By the begin­ning of fall and with the help of more mis­sion­ar­ies, the school ser­viced about 400 chil­dren dur­ing the day and 90 adults at night. By this time approx­i­mate­ly 1,000 freed­men with­in the Corinth camp were able to read with Chris­t­ian teach­ing receive the earnest atten­tion of the stu­dents. The over­all camp pop­u­la­tion fluc­tu­at­ed between 1500 and 6,000 with some blacks enter­ing the mil­i­tary and oth­ers work­ing the plan­ta­tions. The facil­i­ty pro­vid­ed the first haven where black fam­i­lies were not at risk of being bro­ken apart.

By the mid­dle of the year, camp work­ers were gen­er­at­ing about $5,000 a month in agri­cul­tur­al prof­its. How­ev­er in Jan­u­ary, mil­i­tary pri­or­i­ties trag­i­cal­ly dic­tat­ed that some refugees were sent to con­fis­cat­ed plan­ta­tions fur­ther away from Corinth and the remain­ing refugees were moved to a camp in Mem­phis. Unfor­tu­nate­ly Corinth’s mod­el of coop­er­a­tive farm­ing on a large scale was under­mined by infight­ing between the Trea­sury and War Depart­ments over the leas­ing of con­fis­cat­ed plan­ta­tions. Dur­ing the war only two oth­er camps assist­ed by strong civil­ian lead­er­ship were able to repli­cate Corinth’s suc­cess­ful exper­i­ment which pro­vid­ed freed­man with a planned and policed envi­rons along with edu­ca­tion­al opportunity.

The government’s intent behind the con­tra­band farms was to improve the liv­ing con­di­tions of blacks, sup­port their moral health and pro­vide addi­tion­al funds to sup­port the war effort. The farms were cre­at­ed in response to the hor­rif­ic con­di­tions that exist­ed in black refugee camps. The camps in the Wash­ing­ton DC area were ini­tial­ly con­ceived and imple­ment­ed in 1863 with a total of 883 blacks dis­trib­uted among five facilities.

As blacks were moved onto con­tra­band farms, they were ini­tial­ly housed in tents. Lat­er, planned com­mu­ni­ties were cre­at­ed and log huts pro­vid­ed. The first farm includ­ed nine­ty peo­ple in all but the num­ber of farms quick­ly expand­ed in the parts of North­ern Vir­ginia under Union control.

Accord­ing to an August ’63 Offi­cial Report on farms in the area, “Every man or woman above the ages of 16 and 14 years has drawn dai­ly one ration; every boy from 1 year to 16 years, and every girl from 1 to 14 years, has drawn one-half rations; all below one year have drawn noth­ing.” Although the August ’83 Report con­tend­ed that infec­tious dis­eases were under con­trol, it also not­ed that “Twen­ty per­sons had died in the month of June, fif­teen of whom were chil­dren, and five of the fif­teen were only twelve months old or under.” The farms rep­re­sent­ed an improve­ment over Camp Bark­er with­in the city, which saw peo­ple dying at the rate of twen­ty-five per­sons per week.

Some who still resided in camps would leave them on Mon­day, go to one of the des­ig­nat­ed farms and return home on Sat­ur­day evening. Blacks work­ing the con­tra­band farms were paid for their labor. The gov­ern­ment had a total of 1300 acres under cul­ti­va­tion that includ­ed farms cre­at­ed in Union con­trolled ter­ri­to­ry in the state of North Car­oli­na. The imple­men­ta­tion of this pro­gram along with the seizure of pri­vate prop­er­ty was seen as a rad­i­cal step by the Fed­er­al government

Jan­u­ary 2, 1864 Danville North Star

The Freed­men – It is said that the War Depart­ment has ordered Lieu­tenant Colonel Green, Chief Quar­ter­mas­ter of War Depart­ment at Wash­ing­ton, to break-up the freedmen’s camps in around Wash­ing­ton, north of the Potomac, and trans­fer all the freed­man to the con­tra­band farms in the neigh­bor­hood of Arling­ton, on the aban­doned plan­ta­tions of abscond­ing seces­sion­ists. All Negroes not employed in the Quartermaster’s Depart­ment, who have there­fore been depend­ing on par­tial­ly or whol­ly on the gov­ern­ment for sup­port are also to be sent to the farms to work.

Jan­u­ary 9, 1864 Danville North Star

Gen­er­al For­rest com­mand­ing the rebel forces of Athens, Ten­nessee that peo­ple refus­ing to take Con­fed­er­ate mon­ey in busi­ness trans­ac­tions will be arrest­ed and sent to head­quar­ters for tri­al on charge of attempt­ing to depre­ci­ate the cur­ren­cy, and their goods will be con­fis­cat­ed. All bonds, oaths and oblig­a­tions imposed by the Fed­er­al Gov­ern­ment are declared null and void.War and Gen­er­al News Items

The con­fis­ca­tion act, as it stands at present is said to be of lit­tle val­ue to the Gov­ern­ment as a source of revenue.

War and General News Items

A “reli­able gen­tle­men” just from Rich­mond, says that Jeff. Davis will cut his throat when the cri­sis of the rebel­lion comes. Come crisis.

War and General News Items

Gen. Thomas, just back from the Mis­sis­sip­pi Val­ley, states that he put into the field 20,000 drilled slaves in the infantry, artillery and cav­al­ry; the lat­ter mount­ed on mules, of which 17,000 are in Banks’ depart­ment. He has 50,000 Negro women and chil­dren under his care. He is leas­ing the sug­ar and cot­ton estates in Mis­sis­sip­pi and Louisiana rapid­ly, and not for stip­u­lat­ed rent but for a roy­al­ty on the pro­duce — $4 a bale of cot­ton of four hun­dred pounds, one cent a pound for sug­ar, and five cents a bushel for corn and pota­toes. This rent goes into the nation­al trea­sury. The farms pay, besides, the direct rev­enue tax.

Jan­u­ary 16, 1864 Danville North Star

The Davis Plantation and Negroes

Just below Vicks­burg is the plan­ta­tion of Jeff. Davis, just beside that of his broth­er Joe Davis. Says a Mem­phis let­ter: “Before the war these were among the finest plan­ta­tions on the riv­er; but they have met the fate allot­ted to oth­er seces­sion prop­er­ty. When Farragut’s fleet came up the riv­er, on the occa­sion of the first siege of Vicks­burg, a land­ing was made at this point. The sailors from the fleet were allowed on shore and despoiled the plan­ta­tions of most of their beau­ty. Every­thing of val­ue was either car­ried away or destroyed, and the plan­ta­tions pre­sent­ed the appear­ance of hav­ing suf­fered a del­uge and tor­na­do at the same time…

[How­ev­er] Mr. Davis had removed his Negroes to a plan­ta­tion near Edward’s Sta­tion about half way between Jack­son and Vicks­burg. Here they were con­sid­ered safe and would have been so had none of our troops passed in that direc­tion. The progress of events in the siege of Vicks­burg sent Gen­er­al Grant in the vicin­i­ty of Edward’s Sta­tion, to take up his posi­tion in the rear of the town, which the rebels believed impreg­nable. Jeff. Davis’ Negroes were made free, and passed for­ev­er from the con­trol of the arch-rebel. The man who stands fore­most in a rebel­lion for the pro­tec­tion of slav­ery has lost by the event of war the very prop­er­ty he wished to ren­der more secure. Not only he, but thou­sands of his fel­low rebels have sim­i­lar­ly suffered.

The loss of his slaves is not all. The com­mis­sion­ers in charge of the con­tra­band camp have ordered these aban­doned and run­away Negroes are to be gath­ered there pre­vi­ous to dis­tri­b­u­tion, and plan­ta­tions are to be cul­ti­vat­ed by their labor.

The riv­er here forms a great bend…Fortifications will be thrown up across this neck, and the place will be secure­ly gar­risoned by Negro troops… The whole prop­er­ty on the penin­su­la will be con­fis­cat­ed, unless some astute lawyer can be found who will prove to the sat­is­fac­tion of a court claims that Jeff. Davis is not dis­loy­al. The fate of these estates is a sin­gle exam­ple of the results of the war.

As Grant drove his troops deep­er into the South after Vicks­burg, Jefferson’s plan­ta­tion became vic­tim to the Union jug­ger­naut. Per­haps some of his for­mer slaves came back to his farm as freemen.

 

 

 

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